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The Far Right in Europe (Tsoneva, Pureber, Remic)


In recent years, the far right movements and parties have been on the rise in Europe. Their political success is most obvious in France, England Greece and Hungary. Those political projects are by no means completely alike; however, they all build their political presence on ideological presuppositions of nationalism, homophobia, racism, anticommunism etc. Some far right political groups are well renowned parliamentary parties, while others – often openly fascist – remain well organised and structured social movements outside of the liberal democratic political institutions (in Hungary and Greece, there are even openly fascist parliamentary parties).

Because of their They have gained in popularity and Since some of them managed to enter their national parliaments and because of the economic crisis after 2008, these projects became much more “legitimate”, and their popularity grew much faster compared to radical leftist movements or parties, with the exception of Greece. In the most socially devastated regions the far right movements established their own institutions, which have replaced the eroding welfare state, and thus gained a lot of support among the people. Elsewhere, their ideological offensive against immigrants and social minorities was what contributed to their political success – the latter applies to Hungary or the UK, among other countries.

When examining the rising far right parties and movements, we have to take into account economical, political as well as ideological circumstances, in order to provide an analytical insight into the social totality, which is the precondition for their flourishing. This is what the panel discussion will aim to do through some examples.

Speakers: Jana Tsoneva:Thinking between the neos: neo-fascism and neo-liberalismTjaša Pureber:On the antifascist struggle in the age of The StateBoštjan Remic:50 shades of brown - building far-right hegemony project in the context of European Union


Jana Tsoneva – Thinking between the neos: neo-fascism and neo-liberalism

In this presentation I will break through the prevailing intellectual inertia which all too often has enjoined us to think of fascism in strict opposition to liberal democracy. Мainstream definitions of liberal democracy tend to see it in negative terms, that is in opposition to authoritarianism, fascism, communism, totalitarianism and so forth. Building on historical research that traces the elective affinities between liberalism and 20th century fascism (Landa 2012) or those between racism, colonialism and classic liberalism (Losurdo 2012), I will trace the “family resemblance” between contemporary Bulgarian far-right and neoliberalism. (Which does not imply they are of the same order but that, given certain conditions, they can strongly reinforce and feed off each other.) To this end, I will look into the contradictory articulations between racism, authoritarianism and neoliberalism in Bulgaria. In other words, how cold economic calculus relies on impassioned fantasmatic reductions of entire populations in an emotional economy of fear, culpabilization and abnegation. I will argue that the struggle against (neo)fascism will be unfruitful unless it leaves the planes of “awareness raising” and ventures into the vagaries of neo-liberal restructuring or, in other words, to be able to account for the mysteries of the “hidden abode of production”.

Jana Tsoneva is a PhD student in Sociology and Social anthropology at the CEU, Budapest. She researches the latest anti-government mobilizations in Bulgaria and is interested in theories of populism, ideology and civil society.


Tjaša Pureber – On antifascist struggle in the age of The State

Political elites have become much more attentive towards fascist excesses in society since the last economic crisis began. Slovenia has experienced an almost fanatical hunt for the extreme right through media and parliamentary investigative committees. The extreme right of course exists in its marginal position in society and needs to be fought against, but experience from other European states shows that instead of building the cartography of the extreme right, the only things coming out of this process are severe, also anti-terrorist laws, which are usually later used against autonomous antiauthoritarian movements.

While people search for “the real” fascists and condemn the extreme right in the form of political parties, they often forget that the real danger of such formatiosn is not in their regular form of activity. They only become dangerous when their rhetoric calms down, their positions become more widely acceptable and their operations more difficult to catch. Often those radical groups are not even in the forefront of (anti-Muslim, anti-Roma, homophobic etc.) movements. One of the reasons the latter are so appealing to the general public is also the fact that people always have one more right-winged point of reference on which they can build their own political specter of acceptability.

In Ukraine we have witnessed how relatively small groups, especially in the absence of a well organized anti-authoritarian movement, can quickly gain the support of the people, particularly when the social tissue opens up in the form of a massive outbreak of dissatisfaction. They can become a serious political force over night. We have also seen how a longstanding state politics of zero tolerance towards fascist political parties and groups in Germany failed completely at the rise of the first massive post-war fascist movement.

So what is the lesson for Slovenia, itself not foreign to such fascistic movements (the Anti-Roma pogrom in Ambrus, regular homophobic attacks etc.)? One thing is clear: from Germany to Greece, from Great Britain to Ukraine, the state cannot and does not answer (successfully) to the rise of fascism, despite the fact that many of them build their identity on the antifascist Second World War struggle and persecution of extreme Nazi groups. Therefore the key question for all of us is: what can be the strategy of the grassroots antifascist movements, when the state becomes the champion of a failed antifascism?

Tjaša Pureber is a PhD student of sociology of culture. She graduated in political science. She is a publicist and an activist.


Boštjan Remic – 50 shades of brown – building far-right hegemony project in the context of European Union

Even though the European far-right is diverse and heterogeneous, there are many ideological similarities through which »far-right« is usually defined. One possible approach to the question of the far-right is as follows: the far-right is an ideological position produced by the capitalist social formation and its contradictions. Alternatively I will try to argue for a different approach that takes into consideration class interests and struggles between class factions. The European integrations are a key factor of the analysis: on one side being a crucial factor in building a hegemony project and on the other due to competing accumulation strategies in member states. So, can this help us to understand the rise of the far-right parties in Europe in the last decade? The case of Hungary can show why this kind of approach can be a constructive contribution to the question of the far-right in Europe.

Boštjan Remic (1989) is a member of Institute of labour studies and Iniciative for democratic socialism, which is part of United left.


Skrajna desnica v Evropi

V zadnjih letih se v Evropi krepijo skrajno desna gibanja in stranke. Njihov politični uspeh je najbolj viden v Franciji, Angliji, Grčiji in na Madžarskem. Nikakor ne gre za enotne politične projekte, vsi pa se opirajo na ideološke predpostavke nacionalizma, homofobije, antikomunizma, rasizma. Nekatere skrajno desne skupine predstavljajo uveljavljene politične stranke v parlamentu, medtem ko druge, pogosto povsem fašistične, ostajajo kot dobro organizirano gibanje z razvejeno infrastrukturo zunaj institucij meščanske demokracije (na Madžarskem in v Grčiji pa obstajajo celo odkrito fašistične parlamentarne stranke).

Zaradi preboja nekaterih skupin v parlament in zaradi ekonomske krize po letu 2008 so ti politični projekti postali bolj »legitimni«; njihova priljubljenost je z izjemo Grčije naraščala precej hitreje v primerjavi z radikalnimi levičarskimi gibanji ali strankami.

Ponekod, na primer v Grčiji, je skrajna desnica ob socialnem opustošenju s svojim delovanjem uspela delno nadomestiti nekdanje institucije države blaginje. Tako si je pridobila podporo. Drugod, denimo na Madžarskem ali v Veliki Britaniji, je bila odločilnejša ideološka gonja proti priseljencem in manjšinam. Pri analizi skrajnih desnih gibanj in strank v vzponu moramo upoštevati tako ekonomske in politične kot tudi ideološke dejavnike, da bi zajeli družbeno celoto, ki predstavlja pogoje za njihovo razraščanje. Prav to bo poskušal na nekaj primerih pokazati ta panel.

Govorci: Jana Tsoneva:>Razmišljati med ‘neo-pojavi’: neo-fašizem in neo-liberalizemTjaša Pureber:O antifašističnem boju v dobi DržaveBoštjan Remic:Petdeset odtenkov rjave: grajenje skrajno desnega hegemonskega projekta v kontekstu Evropske Unije


Jana Tsoneva – Razmišljati med ‘neo-pojavi’: neo-fašizem in neo-liberalizem

V prispevku bom prelomila s prevladujočo intelektualno inertnostjo, ki nam zapoveduje dojemati fašizem kot ostro nasprotje liberalne demokracije. Osrednje definicije liberalno demokracijo opredeljujejoo negativno, kot nasprotje avtoritarnosti, fašizma, komunizma, totalitarizma itd. Na podlagi zgodovinske raziskave, ki kaže na sorodnost med liberalizmom in fašizmom 20. stoletja (Landa, 2012) ali med rasizmom, kolonializmom in klasičnim liberalizmom (Losurdo 2012), bom razčlenila “družinske podobnosti” med sodobno bolgarsko skrajno desnico in neoliberalizmom. (To ne pomeni, da sta pojava iste vrste, temveč da v določenih razmerah izrazito krepita drug drugega.) V ta namen bom osvetlila protislovne artikulacije med rasizmom, avtoritarnostjo in neoliberalizmom v Bolgariji. Drugače rečeno, kako se v čustveni ekonomiji strahu, krivde in zanikanja hladna ekonomska računica opira na strastne fantazmatske redukcije celotnih populacij. Pokazala bom, da bo boj proti (neo)fašizmu jalov, če se ne odpove “ozaveščanju” in če se ne poda v blodnje neoliberalnega prestrukturiranja, ali drugače rečeno, dokler ne bo sposoben obračunati s skrivnostmi “skritega mesta produkcije”.

Jana Tsoneva je doktorska študentka sociologije in socialne antropologije na Centralni evropski univerzi v Budimpešti. Raziskuje trenutna protivladna gibanja v Bolgariji. Posveča se še teorijam populizma, ideologije in civilne družbe.


Tjaša Pureber –  O antifašističnem boju v času Države

V času vsesplošne krize je postal družbena elita pozornejša na fašistoidne ekscese v družbi. Prek parlamentarnih preiskovalnih skupin in medijev se je tudi v Sloveniji odprl skoraj fanatičen lov na skrajno desnico. Ta seveda v svojem nišnem svetu obstaja in je nanjo treba odgovoriti, a izkušnje iz drugih evropskih držav nam kažejo, da iz tovrstnih procesov običajno bolj kot kartografija skrajne desnice vzniknejo predvsem ostrejši, tudi proti-teroristični zakoni, ki jih država nato uporablja na avtonomnih antiavtoritarnih gibanjih.

Pri iskanju »pravih« fašistov in obsojanja skrajne desnice v obliki političnih strank se vse prepogosto pozabi, da nevarnost tovrstnih formacij ni, dokler delujejo znotraj ustaljenih oblik delovanja, temveč šele takrat, ko se njihova retorika umiri, stališča postanejo sprejemljiva za širše množice, njihovo delovanje pa je vse bolj neulovljivo. Pogosto radikalne skupine sploh niso tiste, ki tovrstna (proti-muslimanska, proti-Romska, homofobna itn.) gibanja poganjajo. Ljudje v njih zato sodelujejo veliko bolj sproščeno, saj vedno obstaja še neka bolj desna referenčna točka njihove lastne politične sprejemljivosti.

V primeru Ukrajine smo videli, kako lahko relativno majhne skupine, ki predvsem ob odsotnosti močnega antiavtoritarnega gibanja v trenutku, ko se družbeno tkivo razpre v obliki izbruhov množičnega nezadovoljstva, zlahka pridobivajo podporo ljudi. Čez noč se tako lahko prelevijo v resno politično silo. V Nemčiji smo lahko opazovali, kako dolgoletna državna politika preganjanja fašističnih strank in skupin ob pojavu množičnega fašističnega gibanja nanj ni znala odgovoriti.

Kje se tu torej skriva lekcija za Slovenijo, ki je v preteklosti izkusila že nekaj primerov fašistoidnih gibanj (vaške straže v Ambrusu, preganjanje homoseksualcev itn.)? Nekaj je jasno, država na porast fašizma od Nemčije do Grčije, od Velike Britanije do Ukrajine ne zna in ne more (uspešno) odgovoriti. In to ne glede na to, da svojo identiteto gradijo na povojnem antifašizmu in preganjanju skrajnih nacističnih skupin. A ključno vprašanje je: ko je država šampion (neuspešnega) antifašističnega boja, kakšna strategija zajezitve nestrpnosti sploh ostane gibanjem od spodaj?

Tjaša Pureber je doktorska študentka sociologije kulture. Je diplomirana politologinja, publicistka in aktivistka.


Boštjan Remic – Petdeset odtenkov rjave: grajenje skrajno desnega hegemonskega projekta v kontekstu Evropske Unije

Evropska skrajna desnica je raznolika in heterogena, vendar obstajajo številne ideološke podobnosti, ki običajno služijo za opredelitev »skrajne desnice«. Prav to je eden od možnih pristopov: razumeti skrajno desnico kot ideološki položaj, ki ga proizvajajo kapitalistična družbena formacija in njena protislovja. Poskusil bom predstaviti drugačen pristop, ki upošteva razredne interese in boje razrednih frakcij. Ključni dejavnik analize so evropske integracije: po eni strani kot osrednji dejavnik pri grajenju hegemonskega projekta, po drugi pa zaradi konkurenčnih akumulacijskih strategij v državah članicah. Nam lahko tak pristop pomaga razumeti vzpon skrajno desnih strank v Evropi v zadnjem desetletju? Primer Madžarske lahko pokaže, zakaj je tak pristop lahko konstruktiven prispevek k razumevanju vprašanja skrajne desnice v Evropi.

Boštjan Remic (1989) je član Inštituta za delavske študije in stranke Iniciativa za demokratični socializem, ki je del Združene levice.


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